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Music,
Gesture, and Tragic Declamation in the scene of the Dancing Demons
1675 was a decisive year for the fledgling Hôtel Guénégaud. Three years earlier, Lully had acquired the opera privilège from Perrin, and upon Molière's death the following year he was granted use of the Théâtre du Palais-Royal...Molière's old playhouse. When the actors were forced to move, several of them took the opportunity to defect to the rival companies of the Hôtel de Bourgogne and the Théâtre du Marais. To avoid a crisis in the public theaters, the king intervened and commanded that the Marais company combine with the remaining actors of Molière's troupe to form a new company. The actors took up residence in Perrin's old theater, the Jeu de Paume de la Boutille, also known as the Hôtel Guénégaud—seen here on this contemporary map, to the right and across from the Petit-Bourbon, Molière's first theater.
[click on image to enlarge]
The Guénégaud was already equipped with the stage apparatus built by the Marquis de Sourdéac and used for the early operas of Pomone and Les Peines et les Plaisirs de l'Amour. Unfortunately though, the theater came with strings attached...in the form of the amateur stage machinist the Marquis de Sourdéac and his nefarious cohort, the Sieur de Chaperon. These proprietors of the Guénégaud theater had been instrumental in the failure of Perrin's opera; now in their capacity as machinists, they became shareholders in the new company. The Marais theater had been known for their spectacular machine plays since the late 1640s. When its actors joined with Molière's actors at the Hôtel Guénégaud, they brought along their stage machines. After weathering two seasons, the finances of the struggling company remained precarious. They needed a big hit—a production that would set them apart from the Hôtel de Bourgogne, which boasted of the best actors in town. The Guénégaud needed an over-the-top, Las Vegas-style blockbuster that would make full use of its resources and dazzle its audiences. They needed music, dance, flying gods, spectacular set-changes, lighting effects, and acrobats. They needed the collaboration of the likes of Baz Luhrmann, Mark Morris, Stephen Sondheim, Andrew Lloyd Webber, and Cirque de Soleil. And they got it with Circé, a tragicomedy by Thomas Corneille, with music by Marc-Antoine Charpentier, dances by Pierre de La Montagne, machines by the Marquis de Sourdéac, and acrobatics by Charles Alard—star of the Théâtre de la Foire.ref The plan was to use some of the old machines of Perrin's opera, and build the new production around them. But in the event many new sets and machines were created, which took many months of advance preparation. A page from the account-books of the actor La Grange give an idea of the complexity of this production, which Thomas Corneille would call “the most elaborate spectacle ever to appear on the stage”:
A transcription and translation of the production expenses reads as
follows:
The box office receipts were quite respectable: 2661 livres the first night, 2723 livres the second, 2549 the third. The daily operating expenses for this production, in addition to the frais ordinaires of 51 livres and 16 sous, were 317 livres. So clearly, a sizeable profit was to be made by such pièces à grand spectacle...to the tune of over 2,000 livres per performance after expenses. In addition to the 19 actors of the company, over 120 people were involved with each performance on-stage, behind-stage, and off-stage. A high point of the production was the aerial battle of Act 4, sc. 5, in which 4 spirits appear on Circe's command to carry away Scylla, whom Glaucus prefers to the enchantress. While Scylla and the 4 spirits are in mid-air, 4 cherubs detach themselves from the height of the flies, battle with the spirits, wrestle Scylla out of their hands, and carry her off to Venus's palace. In his livret, Thomas Corneille praises the ingenuity of the flights and its technology:
Did anyone ever get hurt performing these aerial acrobatics? Well, yes, they did. For details of this, we must turn to the daily account-books. A week after Circé opened 3 livres were paid for “chairs for the injured” (R, ii, 142). Five days later, 4 livres were given to “Toubel, who fell at Scylla [that is, just before the scene of the dancing demons]” (R, ii, 144); Toubel was one of the large fliers, who received 1 livre per performance. On the reverse of this page, we see that 11 livres had been given to “the little injured cherub” (R, ii, 144v); this must have been a serious injury, for an additional 12 livres and 11 livres were paid to him on April 5th and May 5th. On April 5th, another accident occurred when one of the large fliers fell, and 11 livres compensation were given “for his fall, and to have himself bandaged” (R, ii, 147v).
Following these aerial acrobatics is another remarkable scene that combines declamation, music, and pantomime. The livret explains that:
The published text of the play provides more information pertinent to this scene in the rubric at the bottom of the page:
So,
if I understand correctly, onstage we have Circe, along with Terror,
Rage, Despair (who are, presumably, the furies). According to the
above rubric, the three furies were followed by the blackest
divinities of hell. So how many dancers would have been involved
with the pantomimes? Three, according to the livret; otherwise,
more than three...but no more than 10, for that was the number of
paid dancers that the company had at its disposal. And I think it
is safe to assume that these were dancers rather than acrobats, as we know from the
company's account books that the company's choreographer, Pierre de
La Montagne, was paid 55 livres “for having prepared [pour avoir
dressé] the pantomimes” (R, ii, 99v, 100v). We also know from the
company's daily account books that 10 marcheurs
were paid for this production. Their listing as “marcheurs” may
be a subterfuge because of Lully's restriction on dance; however, we
saw in La Grange's Registre
that they are simply referred to as dancers. Their names are
recorded in the daily
account books of
the company:
What would these furies and demons have looked like? Chances are, their costumes would have been recycled from another production. The last production calling for furies and demons would have been Psyché, which had been in production as recently as January of 1673...shortly before the troupe was evicted from the Palais-Royal. Act 4 of Psyché featured a spectacular underworld scene, and when it played at court, there were 12 furies and 2 lutins...the latter of which were played by acrobats. When Psyché [livret] was given there, the enfer scene of the 4th intermède featured 8 furies [livret]. No doubt these costumes were still in the company's wardrobe at the time Circé was being prepared at the Guénégaud, and I would bet that the company made use of them—as they did props and décor from other productions. We even have Henry Gissey's drawings of the costumes used at court—seen on the right [see image below. I think it's safe to assume that furies similar to these appeared on the stage of the Guénégaud. Now let us consider physical aspects of this scene. Circe summons the furies and demons from hell...so they must have emerged from below stage, probably through a trap-door. No doubt the first musical excerpt on your handout served as traveling music. And where was the orchestra situated during all of this? According to the theater historian Samuel Chappuzeau, who was writing in 1674:
Given the integral nature of the strings in this scene, I suspect that they were positioned either in the wings or behind the stage; this was what Molière had done for the Polichinelle interlude of Le Malade imaginaire...when the strings were in dialogue with this speaking character. Now let us turn to Circe, the eponymous leading character of this machine tragicomedy. This role no doubt would have gone to one of the leading actresses of the troupe. Unfortunately, the distribution of roles is not given in any preserved documentation--however we do have evidence that this role was played Armande Béjart, Molière's widow. In a 1688 pamphlet entitled
La Fameuse
comédienne [title page,], the anonymous author describes a man who became enamored of
her and who came to see her perform:
In
fact, this gentleman began to stalk
Mlle Molière,
and some amusing events ensued.ref Mlle Molière's thick hair was no doubt
a wig, as a contemporary painting [image]
suggests.
The
frontispiece of the play depicts Glaucus, the river god, in the
foreground, with a female figure in the background that most likely
is meant to depict Circe.
Now let us consider the acting style of the mid-17th Century? The profession was still in its infancy in 1643 when Molière, then 21, decided to abandon his studies at the Collège de Clérmont and pursue a career on the stage. During his 15 years of apprenticeship in the provinces, Molière, we will recall, had developed “new brand” of French comedy—one that featured the vivacity and physicality of the old French farce, tempered by a naturalness of character. Indeed, naturalness became the guiding principle which informed his troupe's approach to acting: natural tone of voice, naturalness in gesture and movement, balance, etc. This sort of truth in acting was a new approach in a craft that had hereto valued the robust and flamboyant artifice of French tragedy. In his 1663 comedy L'Impromptu de Versailles [frontispiece] Molière himself and his actors in staged rehearsal, moments before the players are to act a new dramatic piece before the King. During the course of this play, Molière spoofed the gestures and mannerisms of the grand actors at the Hôtel du Bourgogne [excerpt 1][excerpt 2] . The play's moments of mimicry, combined with “Molière” the character's directorial notes to his troupe, provide a twenty-first century audience with a general understanding of the formal, gestural and declamatory acting style of the time. It's a pity that his play does not give more details about specific gestures that accompanied stage declamation.However, It is abundantly clear that, for the most part, stage acting in the mid-17th century retained strong ties with rhetorical oratory. As Molière's biographer Grimarest put it,
Indeed, many of the 17th-century's leading French playwrights—such as Pierre and Thomas Corneille—were educated in Jesuit collèges for careers in law, and were well-schooled in rhetoric and oratory. Oratory gave primacy to the delivery of the spoken word, for which meaningful gesture was widely viewed as an essential concomitant. Consequently, 17th-century treatises targeted at orators, preachers, lawyers, princes, and other public speakers provide insight into the practices that would have obtained on the 17th-century French stage. For an understanding of the oratorical style of the latter 17th-century, one must consult a wide variety of sources. To begin with, a handful of French treatises by a variety of 17th-century authorities on oratorical delivery will prove useful. The following includes treatises by a Protestant preacher, a royal historian and rhetorician, a lawyer, a Jesuit teacher, a painter, and a retired actor:
Most of the above treatises derive from Quintilian's first-century Institutio Oratoria, of which the 11th book discusses such matters as hand, face, and body gesture. On the importance of gesture, Bretteville writes:
Naturally, violent passions may call for a break with the rules in order to give more believability to the sentiments expressed by the character—in which case the actor may raise his hands above the head without concern for the rules “if passion took them there” (as Grimarest says). Lateral gestures were used sparingly, usually when the orator marks figures of disdain or scorn. Poisson explains that:
In the case of broad comedy, the frame could be expanded and the gestures could transgress the rules of bienséance for comic effect:
Of particular interest are Molière's two machine-plays, Amphitryon and Psyché . In the first, we see Sosie gesture with one hand...his right hand...when he sees Jupiter appear on his eagle; in the second, Psyche gestures with both hands when Cupid flies away after she discovers his true identity.
The various facial, hand, and body gestures discussed in the above-mentioned treatises may be effectively applied to the scene of the dancing demons in Circé. When the sorceress begins the scene with the following lines:
This facial gesture is depicted by Le Brun: The mention of hell might require eyes fixed downwards, followed by a rising, summoning hand gesture to call up the furies. The final line, “'Tis Circe who commands it,” calls for Bary's “Gesture of Command,” whereby
According to the stage direction in the printed play: Dorine and Circe then continue, in mid-alexandrine: Thereupon the
furies and demons arrive on-stage to dotted rhythms and make “signs of
obedience”...perhaps symbolized by downcast
eyes, bowed heads, and hands at their sides:
Circe's next line
CIRCÉ CIRCE might be accompanied by a gesture of triumph.
According to Bary:
With regard to the expression of joy, Bary says:
Circe
then continues with a rhetorical question:
We can see
this particular gesture in the frontispiece to Molière's Dom
Juan.
This may well be sc. 12, where the statue of the commander invites
Don Juan to supper...and then asks him if he has the courage to accept.
The furies and demons meekly agree with gestures of
“complaisance”:
Circe then continues
her speech, with a command at the
end of the second line:
but then in the third line, she suddenly questions her own judgment:
In her authoritative study on the performance-practice of French classical acting [Déclamation et jeu scénique en France à l'âge classique (1629-1680)] [ref.],, Sabine Chaouche provides the following image illustrating this gesture. The furies and demons reflect her equivocation in a passage marked “wrath...and tenderness”.
Tenderness or affection, according to Bary,
The first couplet might call for Bary's “Gesture of Despondency”:
Circe's
command to “Go” might be accompanied either by Bary's “Gesture of
Command” or, perhaps better, by Bretteville's “Gesture of Repulsion”...whereby
the hand pushes away from the body. But then Circe immediately turns
introspective when she considers “How painful it is to name a lover
when after, once his name is pronounced, one sees his certain loss.”
This might call for Bary's “Gesture of Lament”,
whereby:
I owe another debt of thanks to Sabine Chaouche, who provides the following striking image of this gesture in her edition of seven important treatises on acting of this period [ref.]: The furies and demons alternate between rage and pity—for which each emotion has its distinguishing music:
Once again, expression of anger may be taken from Le Brun's image: But oddly, neither Bary nor Le Brun discuss gestures of pity...although we might concoct a suitable gesture by mixing Le Brun's “Gesture of Simple Love” [left] with a pinch of “Tristesse” [right].
Like her operatic counterpart Armide, Circe continues her struggle with conflicting feelings of love and revenge:
Line 3 might
be accompanied by a right-hand gesture toward the moon with eyes
raised. One might be tempted to make a hand gesture suggestive of
the trembling of the elements...except that most authors discourage
the orator from making such overtly pantomimetic gestures. For
example, Le Faucheur says:
Her command
“Leave, run, fly away” could be accompanied by a lateral,
dismissive gesture of the right hand...perhaps combined with Bary's
“Gesture of Resolve”, which necessitates turning the head toward
the left side. The furies and demons respond with “fury and suddenness”:
Now we
reach the turning-point of the scene, when the furies and demons stop
empathizing with Circe and begin defying
her:
The
furies and demons
are dumbstruck and, according to Charpentier's rubric, they express
their collective astonishment:
According to Bary:
Le Brun offers
a couple of images depicting surprise or astonishment. The first image [left] is
simple astonishment, whereas another, perhaps more appropriate, image [right] is
the expression of astonishment mixed with fright.
This might be accompanied by Bary's “Gesture of Reproach”,
which:
How might this be expressed gesturally? Perhaps by Bary's “Gesture of Despondency”, with their arms
dropping lifelessly to the sides.
Circe reassures the furies and demons that they needn't worry, that she
no longer loves Glaucus, and that they had better obey her...or
suffer the consequences:
And, of
course, Le Brun's gesture of wrath could illustrate the anger that awaits them,
should they choose not to obey:
Here, according to Charpentier's indication, the furies and demons “indicate that
the heavens prevent them”...that is, prevent them from fulfilling
Circe's desire for revenge.
A proper gesture
would be for the furies and demons to raise their
eyes to heaven--perhaps combined with Bary's “Gesture of
Despondency” with their arms dropped lifelessly to their sides.
From
here on, Circe's patience with the furies' and demons' intransigence begins to wear thin:
No doubt
hands raised and eyes looking upwards would accompany this mention of the
heavens. The furies and demons respond with “signs of helplessness...and refusal”.
Excerpt 11.
Helplessness might be expressed by Bary's “Gesture
of Despondency”, with the arms dropping lifelessly to the sides and
heads bowed; refusal could be expressed by Bary's “Gesture of
Resolve”--whereby they turn their heads to the left and look away
from Circe.
As her
fury builds to rage, Circe begins to lose control of her passions:
Le Brun's
description of Rage is as follows:
The furies and demons
respond in frenzied movements that seem to reflect Circe's loss of reason:
Circe
continues with her complaint:
But this only feeds Circe's anger:
Circe's line “Ah,
'tis too much” could be expressed by a gesture of refusal,
which La Faucheur describes thusly:
To which
the furies respond by fleeing, presumably back to hell. On the other hand,
“Elles enfuyent” could also mean “they fly away”--in which case the furies would
have been outfitted with flying harnesses so that they could literally fly
through the air.
So far, I have considered gesture only with respect to Circe's spoken lines and
Charpentier's performance rubrics. The
audience of course would not have had access to Charpentier's descriptive titles,
and so the dancers would have had to use every mimetic tool at their
disposal to convey their meanings. This was the goal of gesture, as Le Faucheur points out :
Examination of the melodic phrasing, rhythmic activity,
and harmonic profile of these thirteen excerpts suggest THREE
CATEGORIES of musical gesture. The first category is that of
PURE PHYSICAL MOVEMENT, whereby the music
accompanies movement on-stage.
For example, in
EXCERPT #1
the music depicts the entrance on-stage of the furies and demons. Here the
rhythmic activity is mainly in the top line, and diminishes in the second,
third, and fourth lines respectively. An ascending musical gesture in the
top line suggests the furies and demons ascending from hell, and is accompanied
by dotted rhythmic gestures. This excerpts begins in B-flat and modulates
to the dominant key of F--the tonal journey of which suggests traveling music.
This is balanced by the final excerpt,
EXCERPT #13,
which inverts the melodic gesture of #1 into a drooping arch and reverses the
harmonic direction (F -> B-flat) as the furies and demons flee--presumably back
down into hell--to a constant motion of eighth-notes.
The
SECOND CATEGORY
consists of what I would call COLLECTIVE EMOTION. As a unit, the
furies and demons either empathize gesturally with Circe's emotions, or they
display through their gestures their emotional reactions to what
she says. These collective emotions run the gamut, beginning with “Joy”
in EXCERPT #3.
Joy is represented by a dancelike, triple meter in the key of E-flat...a
key that Charpentier characterizes as “cruel et dur“. Presumably the joy
that they take in Circe's anticipated revenge would have a hard and cruel edge.
The rising and leaping melodic gestures of Excerpt 3 perhaps suggests an
athletic choreography.
EXCERPT #8
“Amazement” marks a change in the relationship between Circe and the furies and
demons...one that will lead to open defiance. The first chord (in the “obscur et
plaintif“ key of F-minor) depicts them as immobile with amazement. The
upper part features a “questioning“ figure characterized by three rising
16th-notes that drop a tritone, while the lowest part is almost frozen, moving
by half-steps in half-note rhythms, while the middle parts fidget nervously.
EXCERPT #5 introduces the contrasting emotions of “anger...and tenderness”, which happen in
very quick succession. Anger is
characterized by scale-wise, falling tirades of 16th-notes in the first measure,
which become slightly mitigated by dotted-rhythms in the second measure to
prepare for the change of emotion. For tenderness the harmony turns toward
F-minor, which Charpentier describes as an “obscur et plaintif“ key; tenderness
is further characterized by harmonic suspensions, and brief 4-note flourishes.
EXCERPT #6 depicts another pair of contrasting emotions: “rage...and pity“.
Whereas anger was a constant outpouring of 16th-notes, rage elicits furious,
sputtering rhythmic gestures. The motives are short, and broken up by
gasping rests and upbeats of three 16th-notes. Pity, like tenderness, is
conveyed by 7-6 harmonic suspensions in quarter- and half-note motion.
The
THIRD AND FINAL CATEGORY consists of GESTURAL RESPONSES to Circe--whereby the
furies and demons will make signs that take on syntactic meaning. EXCERPT #2 represents
“signs of obedience,” which are
firmly rooted in Charpentier's “cruel et dur” key of E-flat Major
(clearly
the demons are pleased to obey with all the cruelty they can
muster). The musical gestures consist of upbeat, 16th-note flourishes, trills,
and homophonic dotted-rhythms preceded by rests. The dotted-rhythms should
be played double-dotted, and the physical gestures ought to be snappy as well.
EXCERPT #4,
which begins in the same “cruel et dur” key of E-flat, depicts
complaisance,--or the furies' and demons' readiness to oblige. The
“bowing“ gestures set to dotted rhythms on the 2nd half of the bar suggests
fawning sycophancy. One noteworthy musical gesture is the “bow“ heard
twice in the upper part...which ascends to a dissonance just before the
downbeat...and then resolves downwards by skip.
The
“Signs of Powerlessness” of EXCERPT #9
is the demon's non-response to Circe's commands. It begin in the
“obscur et plaintif” key of F-Minor, and conclude in the key of
C. The mode is ambiguous: the third measure begins in C-Minor
(“obscur et triste”), but ends in major (“guay et
guerrier”)--suggesting that the demons' signs of powerlessness are in fact just a ruse. Of particular
musical interest is the distinctively Charpentieresque chord heard in the second
measure--a chord that Charpentier reserves for special occasions. The
musical metaphor seems clear: as the parts move conjunctly to form
a subdominant F-minor chord, a supertonic D-minor, and then a
mediant 9th
chord with the raised 5th,
it is evident that the demons' hands are symbolically tied.
In
EXCERPT #10
the furies and demons indicate that the heavens prevent them from obeying Circe. The “guay et
guerrier” key of C-Major with which the music begins suggests that
they may take secret pleasure in not complying. This is furthermore
corroborated by several gestures
that point to their inability or unwillingness: namely, (1) the
effective lack of harmonic movement in the first half of the excerpt, in which the
harmonies keep returning to C-Major; and (2) the neighbor-tone movement of
the eighth-notes in measure 1...suggesting that the parts have their hands
bound, but try to wriggle loose by moving stepwise to the next note.
For
EXCERPT #11
“signs of powerlessness...and refusal”, Charpentier's choice of keys
provide further insight into the demons' motivation. The
passage begins in the “sévère et magnifique” key of
G-minor...note the severely-augmented octave in bar 2. Then the
music comes to a half-cadence on a defiant V 4/2 chord on the
downbeat of bar 3. After a pregnant pause of half- and
quarter-rests, the passage concludes homophonically with a perfect cadence of
refusal. The modal shift to major...to the “doucement joyeux” key of G-Major... suggests the demons' elation with this
outcome. In light of this, one might chose to re-assess EXCERPT #12
“fureur et desespoir” as a mockery of Circe's own fury.
Questions, comments, suggestions, please e-mail me at <john-powell@utulsa.edu>
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